By Helen Laville, Hugh Wilford
This new e-book examines the development, actions and influence of the community folks nation and personal teams within the chilly conflict. through relocating past state-dominated, ‘top-down’ interpretations of diplomacy and exploring as an alternative the engagement and mobilization of complete societies and cultures, it offers an intensive new method of the examine of propaganda and American international coverage and redefines the connection among the country and personal teams within the pursuit and projection of yank overseas family. In a chain of precious case reports, studying relationships among the country and women’s teams, spiritual our bodies, labour, internationalist teams, intellectuals, media and scholars, this quantity explores the development of a state-private community not just as a realistic approach to verbal exchange and dissemination of knowledge or propaganda, but additionally as an ideological development, drawing upon particularly American ideologies of freedom and voluntarism. The case experiences additionally examine the power-relationship among the country and personal teams, assessing the level to which the kingdom was once in charge of the connection, and the level to which inner most businesses exerted their independence. This booklet might be of serious curiosity to scholars of Intelligence stories, chilly struggle historical past and IR/security experiences usually.
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157. Magat was a Ford Foundation officer during the late 1960s and 1970s. Parmar, ‘American Foundations and Development of Networks’, pp. 13–30. Volker R. Berghahn, America and the Intellectual Cold Wars in Europe: Shepard Stone between Philanthropy, Academy and Diplomacy (Princeton University Press, 2001); Frances Stonor Saunders, The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters (New York: The New Press, 2001). For statistical analysis of state–foundation interconnections and overlaps, see Parmar, ‘The Issue of State Power’; Parmar, Think Tanks and Power; Peter Grose, Continuing the Inquiry (New York: CFR, 1996); and Shoup and Minter, Imperial Brain Trust.
286. Melvyn Leffler, A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War (Stanford University Press, 1993). See, for example, Frank Costigliola, ‘“Unceasing Pressure for Penetration”: Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan’s Formation of the Cold War’, Journal of American History, 83, 4 (1997), pp. 1309–39, and ‘“I Had Come as a Friend”: Emotion, Culture, and Ambiguity in the Formation of the 11 S C O T T LU C A S 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Cold War’, Cold War History, 1, 1 (2000) pp.
These three groups were united, Hodgson argues, by a common history, policy, an aspiration, an instinct and a technique. Their historical origins and unity lie in the planning and implementation of a strategy to win the Second World War, the development and administration of the Marshall Plan, the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the confrontation with the Soviet Union. Their agreed policy was to oppose isolationism and to promote ‘liberal’ internationalism; to deprecate national chauvinism but press American national wishes and promote the country’s strengths to be respected and acknowledged; to advocate restraint but admire the use of high-tech military power; to possess a conscience but not to permit this to interfere with robust action.
