By C. Edwin Baker
Within the first bankruptcy, in just fifty-three marvelous pages, we've a sweeping encyclopedic examine the difficulty, how the present empiric framing of the problem misses the purpose fullyyt, and an easy argument why we should always go back to a value-driven approach.
Unfortunately, the e-book doesn't finish after bankruptcy one.
Having already demolished the arguments of "the different facet" via exhibiting the total irrelevance in their underlying values, he feels forced to reply to their each argument point-by-point. accordingly, he spends the subsequent 100 and fifty pages going again over the cloth from the 1st fifty, exhaustively dismantling the statements of his opponents.
In this, he's way more gracious than I. From his rebuttals by myself - and the variety of instances that he needs to explicitly indicate that the perfect wing's arguments thoroughly pass over or obfuscate the purpose - it turns into seen that these he's arguing with have totally different goals.
I am reminded of the numerous instances i discovered myself debating creationists. instead of easily mentioning they'd assorted targets (faith, no longer science), the main vocal creationists mostly hire linguistic tips, logical-sounding dodges, and semantic good judgment traps. Their objective was once - and nonetheless is - to not evaluate and try out rules, yet to trap the public's brain. Debate, finally, is extra a degree of verbal approach than a attempt of an idea's soundness.
C. Edwin Baker has it appears now not discovered this, and believes that his rivals are nonetheless performing in sturdy religion. for this reason, he needs to think that they're misinformed or incorrect, and so he rebuts all their issues. time and again. He has many evidence and perfect research on his part - however it is the sheer weight of either that's the book's downfall.
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Extra info for Media Concentration and Democracy: Why Ownership Matters (Communication, Society and Politics)
Sample text
A minimalist conception of democracy – for example, a “ratification democracy” that merely counted votes and assured victory to the person or party getting the highest total – might require only that people have a formal chance to accept or reject particular holders of political power. Democracy is simply equated with majority rule. This conception, for instance, apparently conforms to the view offered by some legal theorists and popular commentators who view judicial reliance on the Constitution to invalidate acts of Congress as undemocratic because the invalidation is purportedly countermajoritarian.
Dispersal of media power, like dispersal of voting power, is simply an egalitarian attribute of a system claiming to be democratic. Observe the way this democratic distributive value interprets diversity, a value commonly invoked in media policy. Diversity can refer to different attributes: medium, format, content, viewpoint, and source, just to begin the list. Commentators do not always use these terms in the same way, and nothing rides on the orthodoxy of my usage. My primary point is to observe the variation and to emphasize that diversity of one sort need not imply diversity of another.
She can normally use some potential operating income to provide better quality products – hire more journalists, provide more hard news, do more investigations. Of course, from a profit-maximizing perspective, the perspective of capital, her “socially responsible” journalistic expenditures will appear to be “inefficient” – a wasteful use of resources. But from the perspective of society as a whole, given inclusion of “positive externalities,” these expenditures more often are actually “efficient” at giving the public what it wants.
