By Lorenzo Natali
This booklet brings the visible size of environmental crimes and harms into the sector of eco-friendly criminology. It indicates how photographic pictures grants a way for eliciting narratives from those that dwell in polluted parts – describing intimately and from their perspective what they understand, imagine and believe in regards to the truth within which they locate themselves dwelling. Natali makes the argument for constructing a visible strategy for eco-friendly criminology, with a unmarried case-study as its relevant concentration, revealing the significance of utilizing photograph elicitation to understand and increase the reflexive and lively position of social actors within the symbolic and social building in their environmental reports. studying the a number of interactions among the photographs and the phrases used to explain the socio-environmental worlds during which we are living, this ebook is a choice to open the eyes of eco-friendly criminology to wider and richer explorations of environmental harms and crimes. An leading edge and fascinating research, this article is going to be of specific curiosity to students of environmental crime and cultural, eco-friendly and visible criminologies.
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Which voices are listened to and what evidence is considered credible? Which languages are privileged or, on the contrary, disqualiﬁed in relation to environmental harms? How are dissenting voices silenced? , Heckenberg and White 2013: 96–102; Natali 2013a; Cianchi 2015). 2 A CASE OF ORGANIC RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CITY AND CONTAMINATION 27 To undertake an empirical research of this magnitude requires a peculiar sensitivity for the situation on the part of the researcher. Respect for local knowledge and culture, acknowledgement of the dimensions of power (political and economic) in which they are placed and, more generally, the openness and ability to listen to the contexts studied are crucial elements for a successful research.
Speciﬁcally, just like any ethnomethodologist, I am interested in the study of the “accounts” of social action while it is happening and in the context in which it is happening (see Frisina 2013: 5). At the same time, my proposal is clearly located within the theoretical horizon of symbolic interactionism (Mead 1963 ; Blumer 1969; Natali 2013a)—particularly, in the renewed version known as “radical interactionism” (Athens 2002, 2007, 2013, 2015; Natali 2015a). In a nutshell, the proﬁles that characterize this orientation are the following: • processual and evolving character of the social world, of the Self and of the interpretative processes involved (see also Becker 1998); • social actors operate towards things on the basis of the meaning they have for them (Blumer 1969); • meaning emerges from social interaction and is constantly transformed by the interpretations of the social actors (reﬂexivity and “self-indication” process) (Blumer 1969); • Mead’s “generalized other” is replaced by the notion of “phantom community” that allows one to better account for the multiplicity of points of view, even conﬂicting, that inhabit our Self in today’s society (Athens 1994)2; and • to the notion of sociality is added that of domination, which helps one to make visible the assumptions of superordinate role and subordinate role operating within social interactions (Athens 2002).
1 The words and the narratives of the interviewees constituted, in other terms, the text that focused and deﬁned the context for the reading and the interpretation of the images presented to them (see also Ferrell and Van de Voorde 2010: 45). As Anders Vassenden and Mette Andersson (2010: 152) warn: [F]or an image to work as an entry into meaning, feelings and sense-making [ . . ], it has to resonate somehow with the informant, be it related to biography, perception or imagination. [ . . ] [D]ifferent images strike different chords with different viewers.
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